[TVET Pacific] FW: Synthesis report: Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific: Analytical Framework and Policy Recommendations [contains only parts I & II] (Prepared by Niall O'Higgins, Professor of Political Economy, Department of Economics and Statistics, Universita'

From: IRC (IRC@col.org)
Date: Tue Apr 02 2002 - 21:53:35


> Synthesis report: Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific: Analytical Framework and Policy Recommendations [contains only parts I & II] (Prepared by Niall O> '> Higgins, Professor of Political Economy, Department of Economics and Statistics, Universita> '> di Salerno, Italy, February 2002)
>
>
> Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific: Analytical Framework and Policy Recommendations
>
>
>
> Niall O> '> Higgins
> Professor of Political Economy
> Department of Economics and Statistics
> Universita> '> di Salerno
> Italy
> nohiggins@unisa.it
> February 2002
>
>
>
>
>
> > <<ole0.bmp>>
>
> Prepared for ILO/Japan Tripartite Regional Meeting on Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific
> Bangkok, 27 February - 1 March 2002
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> This is a working paper written to serve as a basis for discussion at the ILO/Japan Tripartite Regional Meeting on Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific. The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Organization. The paper has not been edited and should not be cited or distributed without consent from the author and the ILO. Please send comments and suggestions to ILO BAO/EASMAT at E-mail: teerasak@ilo.org.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> This paper reproduced for the ILO/Japan Tripartite Regional Meeting on Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific held in Bangkok during 27 February - 1 March represents Parts I and III of a report that also contains in Part II a synthesis of the country papers prepared for country workshops and the regional meeting.
>
> Part I: Analytical Framework
>
> Youth is a time of transition - first and foremost transition between childhood and adulthood. In this paper and in the studies on which it is based, the concern is with the transition from school to Decent Work or rather with the difficulties which may arise in this transition. The study also looks at what governments the social partners and civil society can and are doing about it.
> Of course, the countries under study vary much in terms of their levels of economic and social development, their institutional structures, as well as simply in size. Table 1 provides some basic economic and demographic information on the different countries considered here. Obviously such differences have implications for the types of policy which are advisable or indeed feasible, however, many of the recommendations developed are broadly applicable. An attempt is also made to distinguish between which types of policy are appropriate in which context.
>
> Who are the Youth?
>
> The conventional international definition of youth includes those age between 15 and 24 years old. The sense of this definition is that it runs from the earliest acceptable school leaving age to the age at which most people will have completely third level education. In practice of course, the definition adopted in different countries varies for the purposes of defining youth policy for example. Furthermore, in several countries looked at here, there is no minimum school leaving age, and in rather more than this school leaving and consequent early entry of young people to the labour market often occurs before the age of 15. This in itself may be considered a problem, the widespread use of child labour and indeed this has implications for the long-term development of the young people involved. While recognising this, the conventional definition is adopted here as far as possible.
>
>
> What is the problem?
>
> "> Youth are an asset, not a problem.> "> Indeed, however, young people often face serious difficulties in effecting the transition from school to work. The simplest and most widely used indicator of the extent of the problem is the youth unemployment rate. The ILO currently estimates that there are 66 million young unemployed people in the world today. In industrialised count> ries, young people typically face unemployment rates which are twice as high as those of adults. In developing and transition countries the ratio is often much higher. Table 2 reports the youth and adult unemployment rates for the nine countries covered by this study. Here, the ratio varies from between 2.3 (Japan) to around 5 (Hong Kong). That is, young people are between two and a half and five times as likely to be unemployed as adults.
> The effective transition from school to Decent Work, however, involves more than just the avoidance of substantial levels of youth unemployment. Decent work is about obtaining and maintaining productive and satisfying employment; decent working conditions; and, income security. Particularly in countries where there is not an adequate social safety net, youth unemployment greatly underestimates the size of the problem which is compounded by substantial levels of informal sector work as well as by underemployment. In some countries, the problem may also be partially hidden by the existence of substantial numbers of young discouraged workers who, finding it impossible to obtain decent work, effectively withdraw from the labour market and thus are not counted in the official statistics. Although difficult to measure, it is important to recognise that informal sector employment as well as underemployment also contribute significantly to the decent work deficit for young people.
>
> Even if one limits one> '> s attention to the unemployment rate, it should be added that not all unemployment is equal. In particular, the negative consequences of unemployment are largely linked to extended and repeated unemployment spells rather than to unemployment per se. Short spells of unemployment are more or less a natural consequence of the process of job search and young people are, naturally, disproportionately represented amongst new labour market entrants. For this reason alone, one would expect young people to face higher unemployment rates than adults. Indeed, this argument has been used in the past to suggest that youth unemployment, even if high, does not constitute a serious problem. However, with more extended periods of unemployment, the negative consequences of youth (and adult) unemployment make themselves felt. Health problems, drug addiction, and other forms of social anomie and social unrest are strongly linked to extended periods of unemployment. Since young people are more adaptable but also more impressionable than adults, the long-term scarring effects of long unemployment spells are likely to be of even more consequence than for older workers. For the OECD, evidence suggests that the incidence of long-term unemployment is not significantly lower for young people than for adults (O> '> Higgins, 2001, Ryan, 2001). Although a standard indicator in many European and American countries, in Asia and the Pacific, the long-term unemployment rate is less frequently reported. However, to take one example, in Sri Lanka in 1997, the proportion of the unemployed in long-term unemployment (i.e. unemployed for more than one year), was 57% overall, with 31% for unemployed teenagers, but with 63% for unemployed young adults (20-24). That is, whilst teenagers seem to face on the whole relatively short spells of unemployment, the long-term unemployment rate for young adults was greater than for the unemployed as a whole. Thus, contrary to commonly held beliefs, there is evidence to suggest that unemployment for young people is not typically much shorter (and therefore less serious in its consequences) than for adults.
>
> Another aspect of the youth > '> transition> '> problem concerns the distribution of the problem amongst different types of young people. Making the transition from education to employment is not a problem for all young people, and difficulties tend to be concentrated amongst specific groups: women, those with low levels of skill and/or education, ethnic minorities and the disabled. >
>
> Policies to promote decent work for youth
>
> UN/WB/ILO recommendations
>
> In July 2000, an initiative on youth employment was launched by the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. This involved the establishment of an interagency network on Youth Employment under the joint auspices of the UN, the World Bank and the ILO. A high level panel was charged with the task of providing a set of policy recommendations on promoting youth employment. These recommendations were presented to Mr. Annan in September 2001 and comprise 12 specific policy recommendations as well as suggestions as to how the recommendations might be implemented.
> In general, four major themes or areas were identified to provide the foci for action. The four > "> E> '> s> "> , as one might call them, are:
>
> * Employability
> * Equal opportunities
> * Entrepreneurship
> * Employment Creation
>
> Employability
>
> This element concerns first and foremost the skills with which young people enter the labour market and consequently the accessibility and, above all, quality of the education and training systems through which they pass. Two major levels may be identified here - basic literacy and more specific job related skills. Basic literacy arising from widespread access to basic levels of education is a fundamental prerequisite for facilitating the entry of young people into Decent Work. This is all the more so with the advent of the ICT revolution and the myriad possibilities which this revolution opens up particularly to the young. Possibilities, however, which can only be exploited under certain conditions, the first of which is a basic level of literacy. As the most recent World Employment Report notes, the question of basic literacy > "> cannot be leapfrogged,> "> (ILO, 2001, p. 201). More generally, it is regularly observed that all too often young people enter the labour market without the appropriate skills to obtain and retain good, productive jobs. The high level panel suggests the establishment by national governments of clear objectives and targets for improving education, training and other employability strengthening measures so as to promote Decent Work and Social Justice for the young.
>
> Equal Opportunities
>
> It is very clear that the opportunities open to young women and young men are not the same. As was observed above, in many countries, young women face unemployment rates which are well above those of young men. Furthermore, labour market disadvantage for young women makes itself felt in a much broader way than is indicated by an examination of unemployment rates alone. Levels of literacy and education in general are lower for women in the countries under study here. Also, the likelihood of low quality employment and underemployment is higher. Again the establishment of targets by national governments in terms of the reduction in disparities particularly as regards access to education and training is advocated.
>
> Entrepreneurship
>
> Education and training for employment is fine so long as there are sufficient jobs to go around. Whilst, in the long run, better education and training systems promote economic, and therefore employment, growth, in the short run education and training do not themselves provide jobs. As the high level panel put it, > "> there are too few employers and hence too few job opportunities in the world,> "> (UN/WB/ILO, 2001, p. 4). On the one hand governments need to rethink the legal and institutional framework which all too often prevent or impede the establishment and growth of new businesses. The ILO> '> s Recommendation on SMEs provides a checklist of the sort of measures which may be introduced by governments in order to facilitate the process. At the same time training in the skills required to run one> '> s own business and other forms of support to new business start up can to do much to encourage young people to take their destiny into their own hands rather than await the arrival of job opportunities created by others.>
>
> Employment Creation
>
> It is now firmly established that the level of youth unemployment is above all determined by the level of economic activity in a country. Supply side measures are clearly not of themselves sufficient to create employment. Promotion of small business start-ups is one step in the direction of promoting the creation of new jobs, however, more generally, attention needs to be paid to macroeconomic policies designed to promote economic and employment growth. Job creation needs to be a central concern of public policy. Youth employment policy should be integrated into a comprehensive employment strategy and supported by strengthening the linkages between employment and other macroeconomic, social and development policies.
>
> Active Labour Market Policies
>
> In this section, the specific question of Active Labour Market Policy (ALMP) is treated. The interpretation of ALMP here is quite broad including, for example, issues regarding education and training systems in as far as these influence labour market outcomes. Furthermore, the analysis is broken down into a number of categories which are clearly overlapping. Specifically, three basic categories of policy are identified; policies which operate on the supply side, on the demand side and policies which fulfil a matching function on the labour market respectively. Of course, many programmes include elements of two or all three of these functions promoting the supply and demand for young labour as well as fulfilling a job-matching function. Perhaps the most obvious examples of this are to be found in work based training programmes which typically involve human capital enhancement through training (supply-side), an element of wage subsidy to encourage young people to be hired as well as job-matching through the selection and placement of appropriate candidates by Public Employment Services (PES). Nevertheless, the distinction is useful for expository purposes as well as to identify the elements of programmes which are important in promoting successful outcomes.
>
> Supply Side
>
> Education and Training
>
> Education and training can and do play a key role in promoting more and better work for young people. Indeed, the importance of improving education and training systems lies at the heart of the set of recommendations put forward by the High level Panel on Youth Employment. On the one hand, basic literacy is a fundamental condition for the exploitation of many of the gains to be had from new (or indeed many of the more traditional) technologies. On the other, thought needs to be put in to secondary level education in order to make the skills obtained in the education and training systems more responsive to labour market needs. Whilst the overall level of youth unemployment reflects the level of economic activity, much can be done to influence the relative level of youth to adult unemployment and thus to facilitate the entry of young people into productive work. The German system provides the example par excellence. In Germany, the ratio of youth to adult unemployment rates is of the order of one-to-one, in contrast to most of the countries under study here where the youth unemployment rate stands at between around two and a half and five times the adult rate (as already observed. However, in recent years problems have begun to emerge also there particularly as regards the fate of young people once they leave the dual system and also as regards its adaptability in times of rapidly changing occupational and industrial structures. Moreover, there are many questions as to the transferability of the German type system to other countries with differing institutional bases. Many countries in the region have indeed introduced some form of dual system without, however, achieving the extraordinary performance of the German youth labour market. Notwithstanding this, the German system remains a useful example of what can be achieved and how to achieve it.>
>
> In any event, the key issues concerned with education and training systems as preparations for work regard, first the provision of universal basic education to ensure a high level of literacy amongst the population and second, the need to adapt, and make adaptable, education and training systems so that they correspond, and respond, better to the needs of the labour market.
>
> The relative importance of the two issues, basic literacy and appropriate preparation for the labour market varies widely across the countries under study. In almost all countries, however, the level of education of the population has been steadily increasing since the 1970s at least. The exception to this is Australia where educational participation reached a peak in the early 1990s and has since declined very slightly. Although given the relatively high level of participation reached, this does not present too much cause for concern. More important is the low level of literacy observable in the pacific islands, specifically Papua New Guinea (PNG) and the Solomon Islands where the literacy rate stands at around 45% and 30% respectively. Although matters are gradually improving, it is clear that the provision of universal basic education must be a priority in these countries. In the Solomon Islands, still only 41% of 5-14 year olds are enrolled in education whilst in PNG, although the enrolment rate is somewhat, higher, 80% of eligible males and 67% of eligible females are enrolled in primary education, very few students continue onto secondary and almost none to tertiary level education. Moreover, as the above figures indicate, there is a substantial gender imbalance in school attendance; an imbalance which becomes extreme at the tertiary level education in which young men are more than three times as likely to participate as young women. The introduction of compulsory education in these countries would obviously mark a step in the right direction, but such could only be effective if adequate provision at the level of basic educational infrastructure.
>
> In most countries, major advances have been made in increasing participation in primary education over the last two or three decades although concerns still remain that participation in secondary and above-all tertiary education is relatively low with respect to other countries with comparable per capita income levels. In Indonesia, for example, the percentage of those with less than primary level education has fallen from 60.0% in rural and 29.1% in urban areas in 1971, to 9.3% and 3.5% in rural and urban areas respectively in 2000. Also notable here is the decrease in the gender disparity. In 1971, 59.8% of females had less than primary education compared to 46.2% of males. In 2000, the difference had all but disappeared with the figures standing at 7.2% for females and 6.0% for males. Thailand too has seen a similar reduction in gender disparities in educational participation. Concerns remain, however, regarding the relatively low levels of participation in the higher educational strata. In Sri Lanka for example, overall enrolment in tertiary education increased from 2.7% to 5.1% of the relevant population between 1980 and 1995, however, the average enrolment rate for comparable lower-middle income countries was 22% in 1997.
>
> Of more direct concern vis-ā-vis the school-to-work transition, is the (in)appropriateness and (in)adequacy of Vocational Education and Training (VET) systems as a preparation for the labour market. In Sri Lanka, thirteen different ministries are involved in the provisions of VET. Here the major problem, apart from the general lack of co-ordination and complementarity between the different programmes is their lack of responsiveness to labour market conditions. All too often, courses tend to be driven by supply rather than labour market demands. > Furthermore, although participation of young women on such programmes is comparable to that of young men, young women tend to be channelled almost exclusively into traditionally female dominated areas such as secretarial courses.
>
> International experience suggests that links between educational systems and the labour market need to be developed and strengthened. The German case provides one very clear example of how this is possible. Recently in Australia, steps have been taken in this direction with the introduction of the Modern Australian Apprenticeship system in 1998. A similar point may be made with regard to labour market based programmes organised for unemployed young people once they have entered the labour market. The overwhelming international experience shows that an important element in these programmes is that they involve both (preferably off-the-job) training and work experience elements. There are several examples of this type of programme in the region amongst these the Job Placement and Employment Training Programme (JPET) in Australia and the Youth Pre-employment Training Programme (YPTP) in Hong Kong are two positive examples which are developed in the relevant country studies.
>
> Guidance and Counselling
>
> Much of the recent work in the area of policies to promote youth employment has emphasised the importance of guidance and counselling, both before and after young people enter the labour market. In many countries the information available to young people does not allow them to make realistic choices concerning the options available to them. Indeed, in recent times, ALMPs have increasingly included a preliminary phase of orientation and guidance in which young people are made aware of the effectively available alternatives. In practice this has proven to be a relatively cost effective form of intervention which often obviates the need for more expensive work oriented training.
>
> Although guidance and counselling functions are relatively developed in the richer countries in the region such as Australia and Japan, both within the educational system and also on the labour market through Public Employment Services, this is not true in all of the others. One major obstacle in several of the countries under study here is the basic lack of labour market information on which to base guidance and counselling or indeed the more general job matching function fulfilled by Public (and increasingly private) Employment Services. This is particularly true in the pacific islands but has also been identified as a problem in somewhat more prosperous countries such as Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Viet Nam.
>
> Demand side
>
> Public Works and Direct Job Creation Programmes
>
> In many countries in the region public works programmes were introduced on a fairly wide scale in the wake of the 1997 economic crisis. In essence, these types of programmes serve the purpose of providing income support to the unemployed in countries where there is not an established unemployment insurance or income support system as is the case in most of the countries considered here. They are also intended to maintain the labour market attachment of participants and to help mitigate some of the detrimental consequences of long-term unemployment. Finally, they can be used to produce goods of benefit to the community at large. For example, in Indonesia public works programmes have been used to employ principally young people in infrastructure development such as in the renovation of bridges and sewage systems as well as in the construction of religious facilities.
>
> What they do not do very effectively is promote the long-term employment prospects of participants. These programmes are generally temporary or short-term in nature, employing labour in relatively low skill work on specific projects. In some cases, the longer term, employment promotion role can be enhanced by the introduction of training elements. However, the overall finding of evaluation research on this subject, including, such as they are, > evaluations of policies in Asia, is that public works are not an effective means to integrate the unemployed into employment.
>
> Other more prosaic problems have also arisen in the implementation of public works programmes in the region. For example, in PNG, where such programmes could play a very useful role in promoting the development of local infrastructure in rural areas, their use has been impeded by a lack of resources and simply the non-payment of wages of participants which has understandably discouraged subsequent involvement in such programmes.
>
> Another aspect worth mentioning and which may enhance the usefulness of public works is the importance of participation on a voluntary or self-selecting basis. In this sense, one may compare two programmes in Sri Lanka, the almost coercive approach of the Samurdhi programme and the self-selecting approach adopted within the Maharashtrian Employment Guarantee Scheme. Apart from taking unwilling workers away from other income-generating activities, the non-voluntary approach is likely to be less useful in promoting long-term prospects. Participants will be less motivated and productivity will tend to be lower making also the specific task at hand more costly. Subsequently, potential employers will be aware that programme was not necessarily voluntary, which may reflect badly on the employer> '> s view of their potential productivity. In any event, such programmes are best seen as emergency income generating measures or means to promote work attachment amongst the long-term unemployed rather than as a means to promote the integration into long-term decent work of young people.
>
> Wage Subsidies
>
> Wage subsidies, or more generally financial incentives to firms, have sometimes been used to promote the employment of specific groups such as young people. For example, in Japan, financial incentives were provided to firms to increase employment in 15 growth industries as part of the emergency measures introduced in 1999. They suffer from some difficulties however. Care needs to be taken that the workers employed would not have been taken on by recipients of the subsidy even without the intervention (deadweight loss); that employers do not simply substitute one group of workers (eligible for subsidy) for another whom are not eligible (substitution effect); or, that the jobs created do not displace jobs in other firms which do not receive the subsidy and are therefore less able to compete in the product market with subsidy recipients (displacement effect). In each case, the key question is: does the subsidy create new jobs which would not have existed in its absence? For obvious reasons it is rather difficult to ensure this is so and such programmes have often been criticised on the grounds that they are consequently a relatively costly way of increasing overall employment with a low level of net job creation. However, careful targeting of both direct recipients (firms) and the ultimate beneficiaries (new employees) can mitigate this problem.
>
> Of specific concern to youth employment promotion, one might raise the further question of whether high relative wages of young people constitute a serious impediment to their employment. In Australia, since 1994, the wages of young people relative to adults has fallen by 20%. At the same time, the youth unemployment situation has worsened significantly particularly in comparison to adults. This certainly does not support the view that the problem lies with the high relative wages demanded by, or paid to, the young and that therefore wage subsidies mare likely to have a significant impact. On the other hand, there is some evidence to suggest that in Thailand, at least, the relatively high level of the minimum wage with respect to the average wage has damaged the employment prospects of teenagers. Although one might further note that such damage is far outweighed by the influence of aggregate economic and labour market conditions.>
>
> Numerous examples of wage subsidies or policies that include an element of wage subsidy are discussed in the country studies. As regards young people, this very often involves a training component and indeed, as noted above, the combination of training and employment experience appears to be the most productive basic remedial approach to the integration into work of young people who do not manage the transition by themselves.
>
> Youth and ICT
>
> The ICT > '> revolution is opening up new potential areas for development and employment. At the same time, taking advantage of these possibilities is by no means automatic. The so-called > '> digital divide> '> has already been the subject of much discussion. The latest World Employment Report (ILO, 2001), for example, looks at the implications of the new technologies for both the quantity and the quality of employment. Young people are perhaps particularly well placed in terms of temperament and abilities to take advantage of the new possibilities offered. Of course, also they are advantaged in the sense that when their older counterparts were at school, ICT was not so far developed and was much less likely to be available. However, of course the introduction of computers to schools and school curricula has taken place at varying rates in the region.
>
> Certain conditions are required in order that the young, and indeed also older, people can take advantage of the new potential offered. Much of course depends on the more general state of development of the country. As noted above, the question of literacy cannot be side-stepped or > '> leapfrogged> '> and this indeed is a first basic condition for the development of widespread possibilities through ICT development. A second fundamental requisite is the availability of basic infrastructure necessary for the operation of computers and moreover computer networks. In some countries, and particularly but not only, the Pacific Islands, the lack of availability of electricity in rural areas presents a basic, but also substantial, obstacle. ICT based development also of course requires an adequate telephone network preferably at low cost.
>
> Another important factor is the political environment. Governments need to develop an ICT Policy and above-all develop a policy as regards the introduction of ICT educational curricula. For example, Sri Lanka is in the relatively advantageous starting position in that it may benefit to some extent from the good reputation gained by its nearby neighbour India> '> s thriving ICT industry. However, here too, exploitation of the possibilities offered is in its early stage and progress is hampered above all by limited access to the new technology and by the concomitant scarcity of ICT trained professionals. The government has established CINTEC which is charged with developing guidelines for the promotion of ICT education in the country. CINTEC has established a target for the expansion of the number of ICT professionals tenfold from 2,500 to 25,000 over the next 4-5 years, however, as yet there are no national standards or guidelines for ICT based education.
> Although in many countries the importance of ICT development is formally recognised. Translation of this recognition into practical action is often lagging behind. One way forward towards the aim of extending ICT access and literacy may lie in public-private partnerships such as becoming common in OECD countries. This indeed has been emphasised by the UN ICT task force as a key to ICT development in developing countries (UN ICT Taskforce, 2001).
>
> Apart from developing ICT in the education system, young people are perhaps also ideally placed to take advantage of the opportunities offered by ICT technology in the search for work. This question, and in particular, the use of the Internet by Public Employment Services in fulfilling their function is discussed further below. >
>
> Self-employment and small business support
>
> Particularly in circumstances where there are relatively few existing job opportunities, attention fairly naturally turns to initiatives designed to promote self-employment. As noted in the High Level Panel> '> s Recommendations action may be taken at two levels. On the one hand measures may be introduced to facilitate the establishment of new businesses by reforming the institutional and legislative framework which often acts as an impediment to business start-ups. Indeed, this type of action can also have a beneficial impact on the size of the informal sector. By making it simply to operate legally, the incentives to operate in the unregulated sector are reduced. Noteworthy in this respect is the recent law on Enterprises\, effective from 1 January 2000, in Viet Nam. This has simplified the procedures and introduced preferential treatment for the establishment of small businesses. By May 2001, 21,234 new businesses and 220,000 > '> Business Households> '> had been established under this law. On average the new businesses employ 20 workers which means that these alone (excluding business households) have, in principle, created 420,000 new jobs.
>
> On the other hand, initiatives may be introduced to directly promote self-employment for young people. The main lesson to be learned from experiences with such initiatives is that a range of services are required to make them effective. Perhaps the main areas of help regard access to credit and training in business skills, however, a rather broader set of measures is likely to significantly improve the chances of success. Not to be, but all too often, forgotten here is the question of ongoing business support. As well as providing a general legislative framework in which SME> '> s may develop and grow, there is a need to ensure that businesses started through programmes providing credit and business training programmes do not fail as soon as the initial support is removed.
>
> In the region, programmes to promote self-employment are widespread. Amongst others one might mention the TKPMP in Indonesia or the Employment Fund in Vet Nam which provides credit for business start-ups. Also in Hong Kong, the YTPT also contains an element of entrepreneurship training. In Sri Lanka the emphasis in this sphere is on micro-credit programmes for the more educated and in particular, graduates of tertiary education. Several observations are worth making here. One is the need to examine the areas where businesses are encouraged to develop, particularly when it comes to thinking I terms of business development rather than just business start-ups. In Sri Lanka, for example, one problem emerging is the lack of expansion possibilities offered by the type of product or service offered. Very often, micro-businesses supply a limited niche market with little or no possibility for expansion. The New Enterprise Incentive Scheme in Australia, provides an example of a relatively successful programme aimed at unemployed people over 18 including the three main necessary elements; training, financial support as well as (ongoing) business advice. The programme also includes the provision that businesses should not be in direct competition with existing enterprises unless the additional demand for product or service can be shown. Certainly one major element in the success of this programme lies in the wide variety of support services available once businesses are started up.
>
> Private Sector development
>
> The need to provide the conditions to encourage the development of the private sector lies at the heart of the UN/WB/ILO Recommendations. On the one hand, aggregate economic conditions are by far and away the major cause of youth unemployment and thus governments need to adopt macroeconomic policies which encourage overall economic and employment growth. Necessarily this must largely take place in the private sector. On the other, governments need to adopt policies to make the creation of employment easier. Foremost amongst thes> e are regulatory and institutional impediments to start-ups and growth of small and medium size enterprise. This does not of course mean encouraging private sector to the detriment of the working conditions of the employed. In general, there is little evidence to suggest that employment protection plays a negative role in the creation of new jobs. Rather, there are many areas where regulations and bureaucracy can be simplified such as > '> one-stop shops> '> for business start-ups. The ILO Recommendation on job creation in SMEs previously referred to provides many such examples.
>
> Matching Demand to Supply - Employment Services
>
> Employment Services can and in many countries do play an essential role in promoting the employment of young people. In most countries they are responsible for the administration and implementation of ALMPs. Moreover, they can also play a very important role in providing access to counselling, guidance and labour market information.
>
> Public Employment Services
>
> In industrialised countries the job matching function fulfilled by public employment services is becoming ever more important. Indeed, more and more, ALMPs include an element of guidance, counselling and job search assistance. Thus, PES, beyond administering financial unemployment assistance, is taking a more active role in the promotion of employment through the implementation of ALMPs themselves but also through the role of matching job seekers to jobs. With the exception of Australia and Japan, in the countries under study, this function is largely underdeveloped. In Viet Nam, there are 143 Employment service Centres which provide occupational guidance for some 200,000 workers per year. However, although there is a law requiring that, for example, foreign enterprises recruit through the centres, research suggests that only 55% of jobs are filled in this manner. In many countries, the PES also organise job fairs which bring together prospective employers and young potential employees. However, although these no doubt play a useful informational role in terms of informing young people about the available opportunities and vice versa with firms, little actual recruitment actually takes place during these events.
>
> In the Pacific Islands, such centres essentially do not exist. In any event, in most countries, jobs are mostly filled through informal contacts of relatives and friends or through direct recruitment by firms. In these and other countries, the problems are compounded by the lack of an effective labour market information system which should form the basis of job-matching function of the PES. This in itself is no bad thing so long as the system works efficiently. The large numbers of unsuccessful young job seekers however suggests that this is not the case. Clearly, there is room for an increase in the active role played by the PES. One way in which this may be accomplished, particularly suitable to young people, is through the establishment of and access to Internet based job-seeking services. In Australia these are already well established and in Japan they are in the process of being implemented. In the less wealthy countries of the region where access to computers and above all the Internet is problematic, employment centres could, in principle, be a focal point for access to the Internet for job-seeking. Essentially what is required is for the centres to be seen as a useful source of information and access to jobs. The PES needs to make itself more attractive to young people by providing useful services.
>
> Private Employment Services
>
> > ILO Convention 181 (1997) on Private Employment Agencies recognises the growing role of the private sector in providing job placement services and establishes basic rules to govern their operation. For the most part, such agencies play a complementary role to the PES, providing their services to job seekers not normally covered by the public agencies. Thus, these tend to concentrate on placing high-skilled professionals and such like. In Indonesi> a, private agencies are involved also in the hiring of casual workers. Here problems have arisen because it is not always obvious to the employees who is actually responsible for the contract of employment and when disputes arise, such as on dismissal, employees find that they cannot take action against the company for whom they work. The ILO Convention is specific on this point identifying the recruiting company a the employer> ...> In any event, private sector involvement in the job matching function remains relatively underdeveloped in the region.
>
> Evaluating the Effectiveness of Youth Labour Market Policies: LMI, Monitoring and Evaluation
>
> A key element in the design and subsequent modification of youth (as indeed for adult) employment policies is the monitoring and evaluation stage. This very much relies on an established labour market information (LMI) collection system. As already noted, this is something that is entirely lacking or largely inadequate in most of the countries considered here. LMI is necessary also at the planning stage. One needs to know with some precision the difficulties that the target group or groups face on the labour market. Which of those amongst, for example, the general category of > '> youth> '> are most in need of assistance and so forth. Once programmes are actually implemented, monitoring of the programmes (sometimes referred to as process evaluation) can be used to ensure that for example, the programmes reach the designated target group, that programme costs are kept within target limits, that a target proportion of the group complete programmes, that a target proportion of participants find employment after the programme and so on. Where these targets are not met, further consideration can be given to why this is so and corrective action adopted. The central elements here are on the one hand the establishement of targets. Targets which must be realistic and realisable given the resources allocated to the programme. On the other hand, the collection of information is necessary in order to allow such process evaluation to take place. Both of these are very obvious albeit fundamental points, however, experience shows that the importance of their role is clearly underestimated in the implementation of youth labour market policies in the region.
>
> Also of crucial importance in the improvement of the design of programmes is the post-programme evaluation of programme impact. This is even less frequently undertaken involving as it does rather more resources. However, it is at least as important as monitoring. It is with impact evaluation that one may gain an understanding of what the effects of the programme actually are. Essentially, impact evaluation seeks to compare the experiences of participants on programmes with what would have happened in the absence of the programme. This in itself is not an easy an easy exercise and much ink and effort have been employed to develop and refine the methodology. However, the crucial element is that the experiences of programme participants are compared with a like group of people who act as a proxy for the experiences of participants in the absence of the programme.
>
> To make this point clear let me present a simple example. Suppose the government of a country is considering whether to introduce a programme for the educated or one for those without qualifications. Suppose also that there are two pilot training programmes. One is aimed at people with at least a minimum level of qualifications and the other is aimed at those with none. Column (1) of table 3 gives the post-programme employment rates of participants on the two programmes. Judged on this basis, Programme 1 is by far the more > "> effective> "> , with post-programme employment rates at 80 per cent as opposed to 50 per cent achieved by Programme 2. However, the picture changes if we compare the labour market performance of participants on the two programmes with those of similar individuals who did not participate. Column (2) gives the employment rates of tw> o comparable groups of young people who did not participate on either programme. Those with some qualifications compare with Programme 1 participants and those without qualifications compare with participants on Programme 2. Column (3) reports the > "> effect> "> of the programme measured as column (1) minus column (2), i.e. the improvement in the employment prospects of participants brought about as a result of the programme. Using this criterion, it can be seen that Programme 2 is the more successful. Participants> '> chances of finding employment rose by 30 percentage points against 10 percentage points for Programme 1 participants.
>
>
>
> Table 3: Hypothetical example of post-programme outcomes
> (1) Percentage of programme participants in employment following the programme (2) Percentage of the comparison group who are employed (3) > "> Effect> "> of the programme on employment rates (in percentage points)
> Programme 1: More educated participants 80 70 +10
> Programme 2: Less educated participants 50 20 +30
>
> There are a number of problems with selecting the comparison group, but the important point here is that using gross outcomes (i.e. post-programme placement rates) can lead to a highly misleading estimate of programme performance. Amongst other things, employment rates will tend to rise during an economic boom and fall during a recession, inducing variations in performance which have nothing to do with the quality of the programme per se. Furthermore, using gross outcomes as a measure of performance will tempt programme administrators to select participants according to their employment prospects. They will tend to choose the most able rather than those most in need of help. All too often, programmes tend to aid those already in a position to help themselves at the expense of the most disadvantaged groups. It is perhaps more desirable to concentrate on groups which have the most difficulty in finding work. The use of gross outcomes as a measure of performance clearly militates against this.
>
> The Social Partners
>
> The country case studies included here are notable in the relative lack of information on the involvement of the Social Partners. Workers> '> and Employers> '> organisations are in a position to play a critical role in the design and implementation of labour market policies for young people. First ion developing the all important school-labour market links
>
> Linking School with the Labour Market
>
> Perhaps the most obvious way to link education and work is to use a system which divides vocational preparation between school-based general training and firm-based specific training as in the case of the dual system. This type of system has been the most successful in easing the transition of young people between school and work. However, the key to success is not only in the division of responsibility but also in the fact that the general education and training provided in schools matches the requirements of the world of work. Sako (1994) notes a number of reasons why the education sector may not meet such requirements. Common problems include an approach that may be too theoretical or academic; another problem is that the curricula for vocational training may be outdated.
>
> In Germany, the involvement of employers> '> organizations and trade unions in developing curricula for the dual apprenticeship system means that the requirements of the world of work (both in individual terms and at the level of the firm) are borne in mind. The qualifications gained are therefore more relevant to the needs of the labour market. Of course, firms are not perfect judges of skill requirements and the system may be characterized by a rather slow adjustment to unforeseen new requirements. However, firms are likely to be able to assess their needs more accurately than educational policy makers removed from the realities of the labour market. The challenge of adapting education systems to rapid changes in the demand for skills can be partly met by strengthening basic educational qualifications> , and giving young people the skills they need for constant adaptation to a changing work environment.
>
> Another way of linking the world of education with the world of work is through placing trainees in public or private firms. Job placement may take several forms and operate at different levels. Work experience may be offered to young people as part of the school curriculum for less academically inclined students to prepare them for entry into the world of work. Young people may thus gain a more realistic idea of specific types of employment, and practical experience may provide a welcome break from classroom instruction. Employers, on the other hand, gain access to prospective employees and strengthen their formal and informal links with educational establishments. In addition, young people on work placement produce an output which has a certain value to employers.
>
> At a higher level of education, links may be established through firms sponsoring individuals in pursuit of higher qualifications. This is likely to be relevant when there is a shortage of skilled workers. Corporate sponsorships of this type have been offered in the United Kingdom to science and engineering undergraduates by BP, Shell and IBM. Sponsorship may help maintain a supply of young people with the right kind of qualifications and may also give industrial employers some influence over specific subject studies.
>
> Employer and trade union involvement may also take place in the schools themselves. For example, representatives of trade unions or employers may give talks about the nature of different jobs or occupations. Union representatives from a particular trade may give students an idea of what an apprenticeship in that occupation involves. Employers might enhance their company image by presenting the work of the firm to students or by offering prizes for school projects. Needless to say, such interventions should be an addition to, not a substitute for, high quality employment and training opportunities.
>
> Active labour market policy
>
> Employers> '> and workers> '> organizations are involved in the design and implementation of ALMP in many countries. However, the extent to which formal involvement is actually translated into a real input into the policy-making process varies enormously. Very often the social partners are included on a collaborative or consultative basis with national labour market boards and/or public employment services. Indeed, the collaboration of > "> representatives of employers and workers in the organization and operation of the employment service and the development of employment service policy> "> (italics added) is provided for in ILO Convention No. 88 (Art. 4) Concerning the Organization of the Employment Service.
>
> Furthermore, the ILO> '> s Report on Youth to the 1986 International Labour Conference stated that:
>
> > "> Trade unions and employers> '> organizations have a crucial role to play at all levels where policy is made or action taken to create employment for youth or to facilitate the transition from school through training to employment. Workers> '> and employers> '> organizations not only contribute with their experience but also take part in the creation of policies in whose implementation those they represent have a major role to play.> "> (ILO, 1986, p. 137).
>
> Involving the social partners in the formulation and implementation of ALMP is likely to increase the effectiveness of such policies. There are several reasons why this may be so. First, the involvement of employers and workers implies a commitment on their part to the success of policies and programmes. This joint commitment, in itself, will tend to enhance the effectiveness of policy.
>
> Second, > a related point is that the quality of programmes is likely to be higher if the social partners are involved. Numerous studies have demonstrated that programmes which are more closely linked to private employers are likely to be more effective. Employers may use> programmes as a recruitment and/or screening device. Also, the relevance of training is probably greater in the context of private employer involvement. The skills acquired are likely to be closer to those required by the labour market than those taught on programmes without such direct labour market links.
>
> The involvement of workers> '> organizations can help avoid some of the pitfalls of work experience and training programmes. In promoting the training content (and, through careful monitoring, ensuring the effective implementation) of programmes, workers> '> organizations can guard against the exploitation of programme participants, at the same time helping to promote their long-term prospects of good quality employment. They can also ensure that programme participants are not substituted for other categories of worker.
>
> In programmes to promote self-employment, the involvement of employers is immediately relevant. They can provide advice and support, and might introduce the self-employment option in schools or act as mentors. They can also sponsor business competitions.
>
> Guaranteeing training
>
> An important role in guaranteeing training can be played by workers> '> and employers> '> organizations in the context of education and training systems as a whole and in employment and training programmes as part of ALMP. First of all, it has been demonstrated by many authors that the presence of a trade union in the workplace increases the probability that a firm will provide training for its workers. Second, workers> '> and employers> '> organizations have an important role in guaranteeing the quality of training. A country where this takes place effectively is Germany. One of the key aspects of the German system is the high information content of certificates provided under the dual apprenticeship system. This is possible because of the participation of workers> '> and employers> '> organizations in national committees which regulate the content, quality and standardization of certification. As a result, a young person who successfully completes an apprenticeship programme and gains the corresponding qualification is able to demonstrate the possession of tangible skills by virtue of the certificate. Potential employers will be aware of the skills acquired by the individual during occupational training.
>
> Third, workers> '> and employers> '> organizations can play a useful role in resolving the financing problem. Who should, and who does, finance training is one of the major stumbling blocks to an effective training system. As is well known, there is a basic argument going back to Becker (1964) that firms will not be prepared to finance general training, i.e. training which is also useful to other firms, but will only finance training which is useful to the firm itself. This is because firms which provide general training run the risk that their employees may be > "> poached> "> by non-training firms once they have qualified, thereby losing their investment in training. This > "> financing problem> "> has been effectively resolved in the German system. Firms provide training for employees which has both firm-specific and general elements. The tripartite form of control contributes significantly to the feasibility of this financing system. First, tripartite maintenance of the system has clarified the distribution of costs between the contributing partners and arrived at an agreed division between the State, apprentices and employers. This contrasts sharply with countries such as the United States where apprentices pay the full cost of their training, which is likely to lead to a sub-optimal level of training from a societal point of view. In Germany, the State contributes principally by supporting the vocational training centres providing off-the-job training to apprentices. Employers provide on-the-job training while apprentices contribute by accepting a relatively low allowance during training. Two key elements of the financing system, the avoidance of > "> poaching> "> by non-training firms and the low labour cost of apprentices to firms are made possible or at least strongly encouraged by tripartite control of the system. On the one hand, poaching is made more difficult for non-training firms because trade union influence on plant-level Works Councils has led to the implementation of differential wage agreements for workers trained internally or externally to the firm (Soskice, 1994). The higher wage payable to externally recruited trained personnel provides an effective discouragement to poaching by firms. On the other hand the relatively low apprentice allowance encourages the provision of training by firms because the effective cost of in-plant training is shared with the apprentices themselves. The role of trade unions is fundamental in guaranteeing the quality of training and therefore making the low allowance an acceptable solution for all, including the young people themselves. Apprentices know that they will obtain good quality employment with a relatively high level of remuneration once they are qualified.
>
> Two alternative ways of dealing with poaching have been suggested. One is to finance training through a payroll levy with exemptions for firms which provide training. This may be administered at national level, although it may be better for such levies to be administered at sectoral level given differing skill requirements in different industries which will affect the cost of training. The second approach is for employers> '> organizations, through their control over resources which are of value to firms, to introduce sanctions against firms not providing training.
>
> Employers> '> and workers> '> organizations can also be directly involved in the provision of training. This is particularly helpful in the case of small firms where it may not be viable to make provision for training within the firm.
>
> Finally, workers> '> and employers> '> organizations can play an important promotional role in advocating measures aimed at improving the employment prospects of young people. This includes appeals to the private sector to create or increase the provision of training.
>
> A Word on What follows
>
> The text below continues in Part II with short summaries of the main findings of country papers prepared in Australia, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, PNG, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Viet Nam. Full texts of these studies are available on the ILO Bangkok office's website. Part III then brings together the discussion providing some conclusions concerning the lessons learnt and some general policy recommendations.
> Part III: Conclusions and Policy Recommendations
>
> Lessons Learnt & Recommendations
>
> As noted above, the countries under study here differ widely in terms of their characteristics, however a number of common themes and recommendations may be identified. Of course the degree to which they apply to each country here varies to some extent.
>
> 1) The Problem - The integration of Youth into Decent Work is an issue of fundamental importance. In this regard, the analysis here can but add support to the recommendation of the high level panel that the problems of youth should take centre stage in policy formulation. To this one might add that there are several elements to promoting the transition from school to decent work.
> * First, young people need to be given the basis before they enter the labour market. That is to say, in many countries the need to ensure access and fulfilment of basic levels of education has not yet been achieved. Although, in most cases, a relatively small group, there are still significant numbers of young people who enter the labour market before reaching the age of the fifteen and therefore without having the opportunity to exploit their potential through the attainment of at least basic levels of education>
> * Youth unemployment is an important problem but it is only the tip of the iceberg. Access to Decent Work involves rather more. In many countries informal sector jobs and underemployment are significant and worsening problems.
>
> 1) Integration - There is a clear need to increase the integration of policies, both horizontally and vertically. That is to say, youth employment policies should be integrated into the more general employment creation strategy of countries. Youth unemployment and more generally, difficulties for young people in making the transition to Decent Work, is largely a question of prevailing economic and employment conditions. Any strategy to promote youth employment needs to take the wider context into consideration. At the same time, it is important that youth employment policies are not, and are not seen to be, promoting youth employment at the expense of other categories of job seeker.
>
> Simultaneously, youth employment policy needs to be integrated with other policies regarding youth. Above all this regards educational policies; however, there is a need to look wider. The consequences of the failure to effectively integrate young people into Decent Work manifests itself in many areas. In some countries, the growth of youth unemployment has been associated with increasing levels of drug addiction, to take just one example. All too often, the responsibilities for different areas of youth policy lie with different agencies and institutions with little or no co-ordination between them. In this sense, an integrated youth policy can serve the purpose of defining clearly areas of action, responsibilities of the different actors and the means of co-ordinating these actions so as to achieve a common goal.
>
> 2) Targets (and the means to achieve them) - An important issue arising in the studies discussed here as well as in the High Level Panel> '> s recommendations is the importance of establishing targets for policy. In many countries this has already been achieved to a greater or lesser degree. Equally important, but perhaps less successfully achieved in many of the countries considered here, is the need to ensure that the means are provided by which the targets may be achieved. Above all, this means making adequate resources available to dealing with youth questions.
>
> 3) Education and Training systems - Here there are two basic issues. First, access to and the provision of basic levels of education and therefore literacy; a pre-requisite for exploiting the benefits to had in particular (but not only) from the newer technologies. In most countries considered here major advances been made in recent decades, however, this remains a significant obstacle in the Pacific Islands. Second, very often there is a need to make Education and Training (and above all VET) systems more responsive to the market. Problems in this area and a number of ways in which this can be mitigated have been discussed in Parts I and II. These include the development of a modern apprenticeship system as in Australia or the more community based approaches to be found in many countries including the Pacific Islands.
>
> 4) Public Employment Services - > Often there is need to develop this area. For the most part, in the countries considered here, Job search is largely undertaken by young people without the aid of Public (or indeed Private) Employment Services. In some cases this is due to their virtual non-existence as is the case in the Pacific Islands, in others, although such services exist potential young clients largely ignore them. This also may be due to limited territorial extension but may also be due to a limited view as to their function. In many countries there is a need to make such services more active in providing the link between young job seekers and potential employers; the Job-Matching Function. The case of Viet Nam illustrates that a legal requirement for employers to use the Public Employment Services is not sufficient and in my opinion is not to be advised. Rather, these services have> to demonstrate their usefulness in fulfilling an active and useful role in helping the young find work. There are a number of ways in which this can be achieved and much depends on the level of income and financial resources available to the PES. However, the provision of basic information on the availability of employment opportunities and perhaps access to basic services which may aid young people in their search for work. This may simply mean a room in which access to a telephone is provided for the purposes of contacting potential employers, but might also, where circumstances permit, go beyond this and involving training by the employment services in basic methods of job search, access to computer based services such as the Internet to look for work and so forth. Clearly this requires resources and the specific ways forward will vary according to the country, however, the basic idea remains valid across a wide range of countries. One often hears arguments made about the need to > "> activate the young unemployed> "> , here one is advocating the Activation of the Employment Services.
>
> 5) Labour Market Information - A basic lesson to be learnt from the studies here is the importance of the availability of labour market information in promoting the employment of young people. In many cases, labour market information systems are underdeveloped in the region. They can and do play a useful role at many levels; from informing young people about opportunities, to helping governments to design appropriate youth employment policies.
>
> 6) Attitudes of, and to, young people - Often the argument is made that young people don> '> t hold the right attitudes; they seek the type of work which is not available, they undertake inappropriate preparation or simply they don> '> t want to look for work. Where this is true, it is likely to depend on a variety of factors. First, young people need to have access to opportunities for appropriate education and training. This is a basic obstacle in many countries as noted above and regards the provision of such appropriate education and training. Second, much depends also on information being available on job opportunities. Here, much can be done by getting employers and workers involved in schools and universities as well as by activating the employment services as advocated above. Whilst the second of these is very much dependent on the development of Labour Market Information Systems, the involvement of the local economic communities in the education system is not. Getting local economic actors involved can do much to promote this informational function. Finally, particularly in the case of the Pacific Islands, a problem was identified regarding young people being unwilling to take on work because of the social and economic obligations this would entail through the wantok system. Whilst it is always dangerous to meddle in local cultural systems, it is important to recognise that such types of impediments do exist and to seek solutions to them.
>
> In each of the cases mentioned here, the main point is that the difficulty lies not with the young people themselves but with the conditions which they face. One can only end by reiterating the wise words of Mr. Kofi Annan:
> Young people are an asset not a problem.
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Table 1 - Basic Economic indicators
> GDP p.c. (USD ppp) 1999 HD ranking (2001) Average annual real GDP growth rate 1995-2000 FDI 1999 (US$ million) Population 2000 (million)
> Australia 24,574 2 18.97
> Hong Kong 22,090 24 3.5 23.1 6.80
> Indonesia 2,857 102 1.9 -2.7 210.49
> Japan 24,898 9 126.69
> Papua New Guinea 2,367 122 0.7 0.3 4.40
> Solomon Islands 900 (est. 2000) 147* -0.4 0.0 0.46
> Sri Lanka 3,279 81 5.1 0.2 19.36
> Thailand 6,132 66 1.7 6.2 62.41
> Viet Nam 1,860 101 7.4 1.6 77.69
>
> Sources: GDP, HD ranking - UN (2001), Solomon Islands - CIA factbook.>
> Average annual real GDP growth rate 1995-2000 - Author> '> s calculations from ADB (2001).
> FDI - ADB (2001)
> Population - ADB (2001) except Australia, Japan (1999) from OECD (2001).
>
> Note: Solomon Islands> '> HD ranking is an equivalent ranking from UNDP. The Islands are not included in the formal ranking.
>
> Table 2 - Youth and adult unemployment rates
>
>
> Teenager (15-19) Unemployment Rate Young Adult (20-24) Unemployment Rate Adult Unemployment Rate
> Australia (1999) 15.0 6.2
> Hong Kong (2000) 25.5 - 5.0
> Indonesia (2000) 19.9 6.1
> Japan 9.2 4.0
> Papua New Guinea (1990) 17.5 11.2 n.a.
> Solomon Islands (1999) 56.9 40.0 n.a
> Sri Lanka (1997) 33.3 29.1 10.5
> Thailand (1998) 7.4 2.4
> Viet Nam (1999) 4.5 2.1 (25-34)
>
>
> Source - Hong Kong, Indonesia, PNG, Solomon Islands & Sri Lanka - Country Case studies; Australia & Japan - ADB (2001); Thailand - ILO (2001); Philippines - Digby (2002).
>
> Note: For adult unemployment rates, the use of italics implies the use of the aggregate unemployment rate (including young people) rather than the adult unemployment rate per se.
>
>
>
> References
>
> ADB - 2001 - Key Indicators of Developing Asian and Pacific Countries, ADB, Manila. (http://www.adb.org/Documents/Books/Key_Indicators/2001/default.asp).
> Auer, P. & Kruppe, T. - 1996 - > "> Monitoring of Labour Market Policy in EU Member States,> "> in Schmid, G., O> '> Reilly, J. & Schömann, K. (ed.s), International Handbook of Labour Market Policy and Evaluation, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.
> Baker, J. - 2000 - Evaluating the Impact of development Projects on Poverty, World bank, Washington, D.C.. (http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/library/impact.htm).
> Becker, G. - 1964 - Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, with Special Reference to Education, Columbia University Press, New York.
> Betcherman, G., Dar, A., Luinstra, A. & Ogawa, M. - 2001 - > "> Active Labour Market Policies: Policy Issues for East Asia> "> , in Betcherman, G. & Islam, R., East Asian Labour Markets and the Economic Crisis: Impacts, Responses and Lessons, pp. 295-344, World Bank & ILO, Washington D.C..
> Digby, P.K.W. - 2002 - Youth Employment Statistics in Asia and the Pacific: A Review of Internet Resources, Report prepared for the ILO Regional meeting on Youth Employment in Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok, February.
> Fay, R.G. - 1996 - Enhancing the effectiveness of Active Labour market Policies: Evidence from programme evaluations in OECD countries, Labour market and Social Policy occasional papers no. 18, OECD, Paris.
> Grubb, W.N. & Ryan, P. - 1999 - The Roles of Evaluation for Vocational Education and Training: Plain Talk on the Field of Dreams, Geneva, ILO.
> ILO - 1993 - Resolution Concerning Statistics of Employment in the Informal Sector, adopted by the 15th International Conference of Labour Statisticians, Geneva, ILO. (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/stat/res/infsec.htm)
> ILO - 1998 - Resolution Concerning the Measurement of Underemployment and Inadequate Employment Situations, adopted by the 16th International Conference of Labour Statisticians, Geneva, ILO.
> (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/stat/res/underemp.htm)
> ILO - 2001 - World Employment Report 2001: life at work in the Information Economy, ILO, Geneva.
> ILO - 2002 - Key indicators of the Labour Market, 2001-2002, ILO, Geneva.
> OECD - 2001 - OECD in Figures, OECD, Paris.
> O> '> Higgins, N. - 1997 - The Challenge of Youth Unemployment, Employment & Training Papers no. 7, Employment and Training Department, ILO, Geneva. (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/strat/publ/etp7.htm)
> O> '> Higgins, N. - 2001 - Youth Unemployment and Employment Policy: A Global Perspective, ILO, Geneva. (http://www.ilo.org/public/english/support/publ/textem.htm#b485)
> Ryan, P. - 2001 - > "> The School-to-Work Transition: A Cross-National Perspective,> "> Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 39, no. 1. (www.econ.cam.ac.uk/faculty/ryan/jelfinal.pdf).
> Sako, M. - 1994 - > "> The Role of Employers and Unions in Facilitating the Transition to Employment and Further Learning,> "> in OECD, Vocational Education and Training for Youth: Towards Coherent Policy and Practice, OECD, Paris.
> UN - 2001 - Human Development Report 2001: making New Technologies Work for Human Development, OUP, Oxford.
>
>
>
> http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/asro/bangkok/conf/youth/con_stu/synthes.doc





This archive was generated by hypermail 2b29 : Thu Dec 12 2002 - 08:00:41